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Beyond Neoliberalism: A World to Win by James Petras, Henry Veltmeyer

By James Petras, Henry Veltmeyer

The realm is on the crossroads of social swap, within the vortex of forces which are bringing a few varied global, a post-neoliberal country. This groundbreaking e-book lays out an research of the dynamics and contradictions of capitalism within the twenty-first century. those dynamics of forces are traced out in advancements internationally - within the Arab Spring of North Africa and the center East, in Cuba and in other places in Latin the USA, within the usa, and in Asia. The forces published by means of a method in trouble might be mobilized in numerous methods and instructions. the focal point of the e-book is at the strategic responses to the systemic hindrance. because the authors inform it, those dynamics difficulty 3 worldviews and strategic responses. The Davos Consensus specializes in the virtues of the loose marketplace and deregulated capitalism because it represents the pursuits of the worldwide ruling type. The post-Washington Consensus issues the necessity to supply capital a human face and identify a extra inclusive kind of improvement and international governance. as well as those visions of the longer term and tasks, the authors establish an rising radical consensus at the have to stream past capitalism in addition to neoliberalism.

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Extra resources for Beyond Neoliberalism: A World to Win

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In these countries, particularly in the United States, analysts have documented the growing gap between the very rich and the very poor with a rapidly shrinking middle class (Chang and Grabel, 2004: 21). This pattern of a growing income gap within countries both North and South, and the connection between this pattern and neoliberalism, also shows up in other studies. For example, data provided by the World Income Inequality Database (WIID) shows that within-country income inequality decreased from the 1950s to the 1970s in most developed, developing and centrally planned economies but that since the installation of the neoliberal world order in the 1980s this trend has leveled off and even reversed; within many countries income inequality has risen and is on the rise, in some cases dramatically so.

For Hu Jintao the reduction of income inequalities, particularly between China’s urban elites and the rural poor, is at the center of his pledge to create a ‘harmonious society’. Cameron, for his part declared—what is now a truism among development theorists and practitioners—that more unequal societies do worse ‘according to almost every quality-of-life indicator’. As for Buffett he has become a crusader for a higher inheritance tax, arguing that the United States risks an entrenched plutocracy without it.

7 billion persons) were to pool their incomes they could barely purchase the assets of the world’s wealthiest 225 individuals (UNDP, 1999: 3). A tax of 4 percent on the wealth of these individuals would be enough to pay for basic and adequate healthcare, food, clean water and safe sewers for every person on earth. 5 billion people, mostly in the global South, have severe damaging effects, including malnutrition and all sorts of illnesses that reduce both the quality and the length of life. The worse the social distribution income and the deeper the poverty the shorter the life expectancy.

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